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HISTOIRES VÉCUES
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Keyanna (vivant actuellement en/au GRENADA) publié par lecteurs en réponse à cette histoire on 05/03/2014
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There must be an insurable interest in order for the insurance contract to be legal. An insurable interest is usually defined as an exposure to direct financial loss. Thus, if Uncle Pete rents an apart�ment, QuotesChimp cannot take out insurance on the apartment complex itself because he has no personal financial interest to protect in it. He can, however, insure the contents of his apartment through renter's insurance.
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Ulviyya (vivant actuellement en/au TAIWAN (CHINESE TAPEI)) publié par lecteurs en réponse à cette histoire on 13/10/2013
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/ I really beveile our Commander in Chief should have had some kind of military service, even reserves. The way it is, people like this fool think it's all just part of his toy box, and has no idea of the workings and work ethics of out militiary personell. I seriously think every President elect, and vice President elect, if they haven't had Active Military Service be required to spend 2 weeks in exreme 'Boot Camp' conditions. It wouldn't be as good as service, but it would give them a chance to actually learn how things are done, and why. The night following election, they better be on base, studying their lessons. Plus workouts-Prez needs to be healthy! But with people like Obama, or any candidate, that never served, they have no idea what's involved and expected. Wouldn't give me much trust in them. http://voxxhe.com [url=http://rvzopnwjwl.com]rvzopnwjwl[/url] [link=http://lafzuiaoiy.com]lafzuiaoiy[/link]
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Kuaniw (vivant actuellement en/au ANGUILLA) publié par lecteurs en réponse à cette histoire on 12/10/2013
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/ I really<a href="http://muwoiuwy.com"> bvieele</a> our Commander in Chief should have had some kind of military service, even reserves. The way it is, people like this fool think it's all just part of his toy box, and has no idea of the workings and work ethics of out militiary personell. I seriously think every President elect, and vice President elect, if they haven't had Active Military Service be required to spend 2 weeks in exreme 'Boot Camp' conditions. It wouldn't be as good as service, but it would give them a chance to actually learn how things are done, and why. The night following election, they better be on base, studying their lessons. Plus workouts-Prez needs to be healthy! But with people like Obama, or any candidate, that never served, they have no idea what's involved and expected. Wouldn't give me much trust in them.
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Karem (vivant actuellement en/au FIJI) publié par lecteurs en réponse à cette histoire on 11/10/2013
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It’s simple, fincnae groups want to speak to people to get more clients!! Duh!! It’s good for both parties, they give you information that will help your fincnaes and you’re getting it for free! I know fincnae groups that would usually charge you for the privilege, good you LSAustraliawww.lsappointments.com.au for making them do it for free!! http://fozyvi.com [url=http://sfctyguacxf.com]sfctyguacxf[/url] [link=http://wrqxqn.com]wrqxqn[/link]
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Ann (vivant actuellement en/au CYPRUS) publié par lecteurs en réponse à cette histoire on 09/10/2013
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Part 2 of the AFR article. Apologies for the long postInside the<a href="http://fiyqmjadi.com"> csalte</a>, Gillard has her own personal member of the he-who-punches-first genre – in the larger than life personality of her Scottish communications director John McTernan, once a top staffer to former British prime minister Tony Blair. Having initially slid quietly into the job, McTernan soon became the man most likely: most likely to tackle; most likely to phone to abuse critics; most likely to clobber the enemy. He proselytises, he defends the faith; he has that grating True Believer thing. But he has something else. He has Gillard’s trust. And Gillard has something else too. She has the Labor Party’s political machine, led by national secretary George Wright, now working hand in glove with her own office – with chief of staff Ben Hubbard and McTernan. This may seem to be just what it should be. But the bitter schism between the machine and the Prime Minister’s office under the last two Labor leaders, Kevin Rudd and Paul Keating, remains an indelible memory for those who believe that divided they fall.McTernan joined Gillard in November last year. He might not have been on the public radar in Australia, but he was no blow-in. He had been coming to Australia since 2001, when he worked for Carlton TV Productions; by 2004 he had found his way to Sussex Street, home to the NSW union machine and Labor Right stronghold. He met three powerful political players – the Right brothers-in-arms Mark Arbib and Karl Bitar, and the Left strongman Luke Foley. He got to know Bill Shorten and David Feeney in Victoria, and he worked for former Victorian premier Steve Bracks and deputy premier John Thwaites. He was introduced to some of the key party machine figures now around Gillard and Wayne Swan and then met Gillard herself. McTernan worked for Tim Gartrell, then ALP national secretary in the period before former Labor leader Kim Beazley was rolled in 2006. He returned in 2007 to work on messaging in the election campaign that brought Rudd to power. He was appointed as an official “thinker” by then premier Mike Rann’s Labor government in South Australia and he worked with state machine man Sam Dastyari on a NSW election campaign. He had been one of the ALP’s go-to guys in Britain and by the time the call went out for a new communications chief for Gillard, McTernan had networks everywhere.When he met Ben Hubbard to discuss the communications job with Gillard, McTernan asked Hubbard what he wanted. “Paint your face blue and wave a sword running into a field of enemies,” was the answer. In other words, whatever it takes.McTernan, like Hubbard, believed Gillard’s parliamentary performances were the key to her character. They believed that Gillard had “it”. The public, by contrast, seemed to believe Gillard had had it. The numbers in the polling were crushing and the prospect of a challenge from Rudd was sketched out daily in the press.A year later, Gillard has torched Rudd’s ambitions and, against the odds, survived into the election year. Her strategy to become a real competitor in the election has now started to take shape around the economy. While logic would say that Gillard and Treasurer Wayne Swan have sustained yet another potentially fatal wound in the budget surplus fight, the track record suggests the Prime Minister still has some of her nine lives to expend.The strategy developed by her office around Gillard’s broken promise on the carbon tax is a blueprint for all the dramas that now come her way. A mini-election campaign was developed around the July 1 starting date for the new tax – essentially a maquette of the powerful 1996 Liberals’ election campaign strategy of a new attention-grabbing policy announcement every day for the entire campaign.For the carbon tax, a mini-campaign was developed for the two weeks either side of the start-up date. A grid was developed, which included every regional market target and each marginal electorate. The Prime Minister’s office drove every message and what every Labor MP would say.They widened the strategy, moving onto announcements on boat people (the Houston panel), the Gonski education report, the national disability scheme, the Asian white paper, on and on and on, trying to shift the media’s attention to policy and to push the Opposition Leader Tony Abbott into the corner with nothing positive to say. If half of it looked half-baked, it didn’t matter so long as the momentum kept building. They identified something that seemed like gold – difficulties for Abbott with women. It was a vein they could mine, pinning Abbott down by daring him on gender politics. They piled on.Gillard found her old voice (as opposed to the nonsensical “Real Julia” she had developed almost to the point of parody in the last election campaign). When she called a party room spill to confront Rudd last February, that voice returned. “We took the cork out of the bottle,” one staffer said later. They found a style for her, a way of talking which allowed her to look strong and resilient. Even Abbott conceded she would not lie down and die.Now, going into the election year, that “strong” pitch will be refined further into the communications message: “Gillard will be strong for you”; “Gillard is strong on education, strong on health.”The recent misogyny speech by Gillard that went viral was part of that same planning and positioning. The lines developed in Gillard’s office that morning, before question time were designed for the government’s response in the debate over parliamentary speaker Peter Slipper, whose vulgar text messages about women had reached the public domain. “I will not be lectured on misogyny by that man,” was the line Gillard would wield against Abbott.But first, senior minister Anthony Albanese would set the scene with a press conference. They call it a “smash-up”. It was an attack on Abbott using four quotes from his past revealing his attitudes to women. Albanese repeated them over and over to the journalists and TV cameras rolling live. Later in Parliament, Gillard sat listening as Abbott spoke. She had her opening lines ready, plus she had the four bullet point quotes from Abbott’s history that Albanese had already started pushing to the press just hours before. She knew she had to counter Abbott’s arguments on Slipper without seeming to take Slipper’s side. And then, after Abbott, wittingly or unwittingly, declared that every day that Gillard supported Slipper was another day of shame for a government that should already have died of shame – she went for him. Abbott was accused of picking up on an earlier comment about the death of Gillard’s father by the broadcaster Alan Jones. Abbott’s words rocket-boosted the Prime Minister. “My father did not die of shame,” she hurled back angrily.That her speech was so profoundly effective was because Gillard had found her own voice to deliver the political message. She has moved since into territory difficult for Abbott – developing a relationship and networks with working mothers and women with children at school – even as her government moves to cut support for some of the most vulnerable in society (with no trade union to fight their corner) by chopping back payments to single mothers when the youngest child turns eight.As the year unfolds, Gillard will mesh such strategic links as women’s networks (which she believes Abbott cannot do), with the wider policy framework designed to create a Labor Party story – the broadband network, help for the disabled and for education and supposedly, plans on how to pay for it all, with the whole lot rolled into one glorious old-fashioned Labor narrative.The strategy is to turn around Labor voters who no longer think the government is Labor. With a relentless parallel focus on persuading the public that Abbott is just a negative megaphone without a policy, Labor hopes to create a break for the electorate to reassess whether they can actually vote for Gillard.Gillard herself has a strong sense of her direction now. The office around her has a rolling strategy mapped out three months in advance. Gillard is aware of her weaknesses going into the campaign, but with the negative strategy on Abbott starting to bite, her self-belief is buoyed.The government’s extraordinary measures to cushion the start of the carbon tax slashed into Abbott’s attack message so successfully that Team Gillard believes it might have bought a truce with the electorate. The schoolkids’ bonus might have been a shockingly opportunist way to buy their way out of trouble, but the message was “now you have cash in your pockets”.“Did they love her? No. But did it go off a cliff? No,” said one key party operative.This will be the strategic message all year; helping families and responding to the pressure they are under, while focusing on painting Abbott’s negatives in bright lights and smashing those who talk of smoking guns.The government has reached an inflection point. Whether the polls have stalled remains to be seen.Whatever you do, don’t say “hallucination” to a True Believer.
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Jaya (vivant actuellement en/au NORWAY) publié par lecteurs en réponse à cette histoire on 09/10/2013
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yaeh absolutely right even in euro 2004 they were in the same group but whevater englands gonna win the world cup anyways .No animals were harmed in the answering of this question. Any similarity with any person, living or dead, is purely coincidental and unintended.
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